Second neighbor and her “enemies” Part-1


2018-11-13 18:00 GMT+8

Mongolia's independence remained intact as China survived tension with Soviets​


Rumors and slogans about China’s threat to Mongolia’s independence and their invasion are nothing new. History proves that one of our neighbors used others to install fear and threat to establish full political control over Mongolia. People’s Republic of China as we know of today got established in 1949.

I believe it was called the 25th dynasty that was established in former Nangiad area. Continuing the policy of Chiang Kai-shek, who approved the independence of the People’s Republic of Mongolia, China established an embassy in Ulaanbaatar.

As such, Mongolia, who made enemies with every country in 1928 and had no foreign partners except from the Soviet Union, expanded their foreign relations.

Inherently, it is hard to call the relations dictated by the Soviet Union as a “foreign relation”. Because the Soviet Union’s law has went into force in Mongolia, which ultimately resulted in beheading of several people including the then head of state Genden Peljid and Prime Minister Amar Anand under the Soviet laws.

Even in 1945, it was not Mongolians who initiated to expand foreign relations, instead the Soviet approved Ulaanbaatar to develop relations in the socialist camp within the Soviet zone. It simply means that the Soviets allowed Mongolia to have relations with Mao’s China, who decided to establish communism same as them. At the time, Choibalsan Khorloo signified the fact that China approved Mongolia’ independence in a perspective that Mongolia’s independence now has support from two countries instead of one.

Proving this point, Baabar wrote, “If China was not there, Mongolia would have faced the same fate as the Buryats. If the Soviet was not there, Mongolia would have faced the same fate as the Inner Mongolians.” Choibalsan, who understood the process as the actualization of Mongolia’s independence, widely celebrated the 1946 Naadam, marking the “25th anniversary of People’s Revolution”. He invited several high-profile guests from the Soviet and China, celebrating with the public and even personally participating in archery.

Because the anniversary was truly the celebration for Mongolia’s independence and for Choibalsan’s group, it was the celebration for their GREAT STRUGGLE that sailed through the bloods of monks and royals… It was the celebration for our independence. Numerous evidence proves that the Marshal General Choibalsan gave great significance to the celebration and was very excited for it. However, he may have been troubled by many other things that did not go as he expected.

Even the morning began with a misfortune. A picture of him scolding his successor Tsedenbal Yumjaa for being hungover after a long night of drinking was archived. He was planning to organize a parade like the one organized at the Red Square in 1945 and receive a report from a parade commander; however, General Mijid, who played the role of General Georgy Zhukov that handed out the report at Red Square, fell of his horse during the Parade.

Because he got humiliated in front of the public during an actual parade after becoming an “actual” country, the Marshal presumably chased after Mijid at dinner in an attempt to slash him with a sword. It got worse when a guest from Tuva Togoo Salchig brought up the issue of the remaining territory of Tuva. He slapped across the face of President of Tuva Togoo and chased him off. He did realize that Salchak Kalbakkhorekovich, officially known as Toka will sell him off to Kremlin.

As such, he began disregarding Stalin since he accomplished his goal. He may have thought, “We did what the comintern told us, killing our friends and family just for this day. Enough is enough. Comintern happened already, we no longer need them.” He deemed it unnecessary to pay his respect to the great leader of the world revolution Joseph Stalin’s 70th birthday. Although his dream was fulfilled, his desire was far from over.

Soviets, who predicted Choibalsan’s actions beforehand, already prepared a new leader for the Mongolian People's Republic since 1930. It is said that he was surprised when Moscow introduced the new prince of Mongolia Tsedenbal Yumjaa to him. Not only was he surprised, he was mortified to hear his new successor talk about dissolving the country and merging it with the Soviet Union, telling his partisan friend Bumantsend, “We have failed to prepare our new generation” in both anger and sorrow.


Choibalsan, who made an assumption too early, got called to Moscow for a therapy and passed away on a surgery table in 1952 during a fasting on the eve of Mongolia’s traditional celebration of lunar month. It is strange how a marxist leader at the time Tsedenbal was better than Marshal when it comes to trusting Mao’s China. At his order, the Mongolian People's Republic dismantled border troops in 1950-1960, leaving the border unguarded. Hundreds of households migrated to Bayan-Ulgii aimag from Xinjiang as a result.

• Marshal General Choibalsan disregarded Stalin after accomplishing his goal.
• Tsedenbal was better than Marshal when it comes to trusting Mao’s China.
• An atrocious legacy from this period was the groundless hate towards China.

Tsedenbal may have thought integrating countries do not need borders as China’s adoption of communism means to join the Soviet Union. Maybe his thoughts did not play a part, instead it may have been the Soviets that told him so, or he understood it that way when they said something else.

In response to Marshal Choibalsan’s caution towards China’s presumptuous migration, he explained that there is nothing to fear since they too were installing communism. The relations between the Soviet and China got tense shortly after. Chinese leader Mao Zedong started to express that although China was establishing communism, he is not someone who would serve Kremlin and be controlled by Moscow.

As a matter of fact, three volumes on the history of Republic of Mongolia were published a few years apart in 1960’s. Ideologically distorted conclusions aside, it was the first modern scientific history ever published in the XX century. Not many people know about the Mongolia-Soviet-China science academies were planning to co-publish this history book. However, not to mention that the co-publishing was cancelled, the history book included hate towards the southern neighbor due to the tension.

Initially, Chinese Prime Minister at the time Zhou Enlai, who negotiated with Tsedenbal on setting borders in 1962, once warned that a tension will rise with the relations with the Soviet, expressing that the relations between Mongolia and China should not have to tarnish because of it and that Mongolia can hold a neutral policy. At least the Mongolian side did not say “scram” in response. Because he had received a command to cut ties with Beijing from the north. Since then, he ended the cold war as a notorious hater of China, getting complimented by the Soviets.


The loathsome rumors about Chinese invasion was surfaced at this exact moment. For the Republic of Mongolia, who cut ties with China, the Soviet was now the only ally. They no longer had the guts to defy their only partner. If they did, the Soviets would simply threaten China’s invasion. The public already had the fear that a “monster” will invade if they offended Soviets in any way, bearing everything the Soviets threw at them.

A hideous condemnation of “tarnishing Mongolia-Soviet friendly relations” or “attempting to deteriorate” was added to the official sentence of the state. Many state or party figures were victimized because of it. An atrocious legacy from this period was the groundless hate towards China and practices of making everything right by simply taunting them and on the contrary, humiliating everyone who were logical towards the attitude as Chinese half-breed and/or spy.

But the independence of the Mongolian People's Republic remained intact because China survived the tension between Zhongnanhai palace and Kremlin. Soviet-China relations began to improve since the mid-1980’s and Moscow made several attempts involving the Mongolian People's Republic to confirm their interest in strengthening ties with China.

Due to the inability to understand the new international environment, Tsedenbal, who thought that “being against China will satisfy the Soviets”, was dragged into these attempts. It is said that, because of his old beliefs, he chased off Chinese people in Ulaanbaatar in 1983, tainting Beijing-Moscow relations, which was just beginning to improve.

Beijing immediately sent a messenger to Moscow (not Ulaanbaatar) and demanded them to refrain from two-faced friendship talks while threatening through Tsedenbal. After receiving the protest note from Beijing, Moscow sent a special mission to Ulaanbaatar.

The mission consisted of newly appointed Ambassador Sergei Pavlov and new advisor from KGB Vsevolod Radchengo. Mr. Radchenko, in his book “главная профессия-Разведка” or “Main profession-Intelligence”, wrote about how “The whole procedure of removing Tsedenbal from his position and personnel changes in leadership were highly appreciated by political analysts and senior management, both in Ulaanbaatar and Moscow.”

As such, Kremlin, in an attempt to set things straight with Beijing, ripped Tsedenbal from his authority in 1984 for offending China by chasing them off. With an aim to begin a new era of Soviet-China relations, the Soviets decided to withdraw 100,000 soldiers that were stationed in the Republic of Mongolia.

According to the same old rules, everything was decided in Moscow and was informed to Mongolians afterwards.

Some officials of the Mongolian People's Republic, who heard the news about removing Tsedenbal, were nervous to inform him. They heard about the news only when Mikhail Gorbachev made an announcement about the withdrawal of Russian troops in 1989. Mongolia had two neighbors once again after the mid-1980’s and managed to create third neighbors in connection to the collapse of global socialist system, dissolution of the Soviet Union and temporarily weakened monitoring of Kremlin.

Second part of the article will be published on November 19, Monday.

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